Story

Paul Jakob Eisner

In 1941, items belonging to Paul Jakob Eisner were brought to the auction rooms of the Finanzamt Moabit-West (Moabit‑West Tax Office) at Kottbusser Ufer 39/40, having previously been stored with the freight company Gustav Knauer. By that time, Eisner and his family had already fled from the National Socialists. What had happened up to that point? And how did two paintings from Eisner’s possessions find their way into the holdings of the “Sonderauftrag Linz” (Special Commission Linz)?

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Paul Jakob Eisner

Born:
30 June 1886 in Berlin
Died:
29 July 1965 in Kreuzlingen, Switzerland
Last place of residence:
Große Querallee 2, Berlin
Black‑and‑white photograph of a man in a suit and tie on a veranda. He sits in a relaxed posture on a chair and looks into the camera. Behind him are trees and a table laid with cutlery
Portrait of Paul Jakob Eisner, c. 1925. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/441/69, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky
Hand‑coloured photograph of two children in white clothing. The child on the left is older than the child on the right. Both look past the camera
Paul and Rudolf Eisner, c. 1889

The Eisner Family

Paul Jakob Eisner was the son of the Kommerzienrat Heinrich Eisner, chair of the Jewish Community of Berlin and co‑owner of the Albert‑Hahn‑Röhrenwalzwerke (Hahnsche Werke), and Olga Eisner, née Tarlau.

Black‑and‑white photograph of two people in elegant clothing in an interior. A woman is seated and a man stands beside her; both look into the camera. A blurred interior can be seen in the background.
Portrait of Heinrich Eisner with his wife Olga on their silver wedding anniversary, Atelier H. Kindler, Berlin, 1910. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/441/65, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky

Heinrich and Olga Eisner lived with their children in the Tiergarten district and belonged to a neighbourhood known at the time for its affinity with the arts. Among its residents were the writers Julie and Julius Elias, the art collector Oscar Huldschinsky, and the art dealer Paul Cassirer. Over the years, the Eisner family lived at various addresses in the district, including in Matthäikirchstraße. Until the death of Olga Eisner in 1910, the family lived in a spacious flat at Bellevuestraße 14. The flat was furnished with valuable furniture, works of art, and carpets. Both sons, Paul Jakob and Rudolf, joined the Hahnsche Werke company. Paul Jakob Eisner worked as a board member and managing director of the Hahnsche Werke joint‑stock company. In 1922 he married Louise Odescalchi.

Black‑and‑white aerial photograph. At the centre is a street intersection with trees, busy with many people and cars. Seven streets lead off from this intersection
Aerial view: Potsdamer Platz with Potsdamer Straße and Bellevuestraße, summer 1919. Collection of the Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin © HANSA Luftbild AG
Black‑and‑white photograph of a richly furnished salon. Paintings in gilded frames hang on the wall. On the left edge of the image, an open door reveals the adjoining room
Salon of the flat at Bellevuestraße 14, Berlin, c. 1910. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/441/71, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky
Black‑and‑white photograph looking through an open double door into a dining room. Through the doorway, a dining table is visible. A large wall tapestry hangs on the wall behind it
Dining room and living room at Bellevuestraße 14, Berlin, c. 1910. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/441/73, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky
Front of an old postcard with three black‑and‑white photographs. The two images on the left show close‑ups of a house surrounded by trees. The third image on the right shows a lake with trees. Below it reads: Alt‑Stahnsdorf bei Kummersdorf, Kr. Storckow i. Mark. Next to the image, something is written by hand
Alt‑Stahnsdorf manor estate on a postcard to Hilde Eisner in Bad Reichenhall, Alt‑Stahnsdorf, 4 August 1921; Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/443/589, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky. Digitisation funded by the bequest of the Adler‑Salomon family, Siemens AG, the Berthold Leibinger Foundation, and Bertelsmann SE & Co. KGaA
Black‑and‑white photograph of an interior. In the centre of the image is an open door giving a view into another room, which is only faintly visible. The wall of the front room is painted. The painting shows a lake or pond with birds flying above it
Frescoes by Emil Pottner in the garden room of the Alt‑Stahnsdorf manor estate, c. 1928–1929. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/441/114, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky

The Eisner family were part of Berlin’s cultural and social life and regularly hosted receptions at their manor estate in Alt‑Stahnsdorf, which they had owned since 1906. Numerous entries in a guestbook attest to the regular visits of acquaintances and friends, including the painter Emil Pottner. Works of his also decorated the walls of one of the rooms in the house. After the death of Heinrich Eisner in 1918, his daughter Berta took over the estate.

Front view of a guestbook. Written on it in gold lettering is “Alt‑Stahnsdorf, 1906.” The guestbook is dark green and decorated with flowers and ribbons
Front view of the guestbook of Olga Eisner, Alt‑Stahnsdorf, 1906–1938. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/443/107, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky. Digitisation funded by the bequest of the Adler‑Salomon family, Siemens AG, the Berthold Leibinger Foundation, and Bertelsmann SE & Co. KGaA
Die Abbildung gibt die erste Seite eines Gästebuchs wieder, auf der etwas in Handschrift geschrieben ist. Um den Text herum findet sich eine Buntstiftzeichnung, die rechts verschiedenfarbige Hühner, links Enten zeigt. Über dem Text ist ein weißes Haus gezeichnet, das von Bäumen und Sträuchern umgeben ist.

First page of the guestbook of Olga Eisner, Alt‑Stahnsdorf, 1906–1938. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/443/107, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky. Digitisation funded by the bequest of the Adler‑Salomon family, Siemens AG, the Berthold Leibinger Foundation, and Bertelsmann SE & Co. KGaA

Handschriftliche Eintragung in einem Gästebuch

Entry by Emil Pottner from 1929 in the guestbook of Olga Eisner, Alt‑Stahnsdorf, 1906–1938. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/443/107, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky. Digitisation funded by the bequest of the Adler‑Salomon family, Siemens AG, the Berthold Leibinger Foundation, and Bertelsmann SE & Co. KGaA

Not far from his parents’ home, Paul Jakob Eisner lived with his wife from 1927 onwards at Große Querallee 2. This was his last place of residence in Berlin. The nine‑room flat was on the ground floor and was generously furnished

Black‑and‑white photograph of a four‑storey residential building with an elaborately designed façade featuring various architectural elements. A metal fence is visible in front of the building
Residential buildings in Große Querallee in the Tiergarten, nos. 1 and 2. Berlin und seine Bauten, 1896 edition, vol. 2/3 Der Hochbau, p. 227
Architectural drawing of the ground floor with nine rooms
Extract from an architectural drawing of the house at Große Querallee 2 from 1886. Landesarchiv Berlin, B Rep. 202 no. 5105A

Every piece of furniture was a museum piece! […] The rooms were partly lined with precious silk fabrics. […] The bathroom was clad with mirrors all around. Valuable originals (portraits and paintings) adorned the rooms. The rooms were entirely carpeted with heavy velour, and on top of it lay the most valuable genuine carpets. One of them was a gift from the International Tube Association.

Affidavit by Caroline Langkammerer dated 28 February 1963. She worked as household and childcare help for Heinrich and Olga Eisner. Landesarchiv Berlin, B Rep. 025-08 Nr. 1954/51, fol. 166

Persecution and the turmoil of flight

The lives of the Eisner family changed abruptly when the National Socialists came to power in 1933 – Paul Jakob Eisner and his siblings were now persecuted as Jewish.

In 1937, Paul Jakob Eisner fled to Prague and from there to Vienna. After the “Anschluss” of Austria to National Socialist Germany, he returned to Prague. In the same year, the Mannesmann Group appropriated the Hahn Works company in the course of the “Aryanisation”, forcing the Eisner family out of the business. In addition, Louise divorced Paul Jakob, with antisemitic and discriminatory motives playing a role. While Eisner was on business in Paris, Czechoslovakia was annexed, preventing him from returning to Prague. In this desperate situation, Eisner decided to flee to Argentina.

Paul Jakob Eisner’s siblings also had to flee. His brother Rudolf Eisner emigrated to England with his family in 1938, and his sister Berta Sabersky to the United States. The Sabersky couple had already been forced to sell the manor estate in Alt‑Stahnsdorf under duress in 1936.

“Verwertung” of removal goods

The furnishings and personal belongings of Paul Jakob Eisner that were still in Berlin were stored as removal goods by his secretary with the haulage company Gustav Knauer in Berlin. In December 1939, the Gestapo in Berlin confiscated them there and informed the Moabit-West Tax Office.

On 26 June 1940, the Deutscher Reichsanzeiger (German Reich gazette) published the announcement that Paul Jakob Eisner had lost his German citizenship under the Law on the Revocation of Naturalisations and the Deprivation of German Citizenship. The Finanzamt Moabit‑West then began the full “Verwertung” (liquidation) of the confiscated assets. On 4 March 1941, the removal goods stored with the haulage company Gustav Knauer were brought to the auction rooms of the Finanzamt Moabit‑West at Kottbusser Ufer 39/40. There, the expert Ludwig Schmidt‑Bangel carried out the valuation before Senior Tax Secretary Paul Korge auctioned the objects. This auction took place on 2 April 1941. It comprised 354 lots, including works of art. A buyer was found for each lot.

  • Pre‑printed storage receipt, filled in by typewriter, with stamps and handwritten notes

    Storage receipt from Gustav Knauer from April 1939. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094, fol. 22

  • Typewritten document listing various items such as bank accounts, furnishings, and company holdings

    Letter from the Gestapo, 8 December 1939. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094, fol. 2

  • Typewritten document listing various items such as bank accounts, furnishings, and company holdings

    Letter from the Gestapo, 8 December 1939. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094, fol. 2v

  • Pre‑printed form, filled in by typewriter, with a handwritten note

    Denaturalisation notice, 26 June 1940. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094, fol. 16

  • Form filled in by hand and affixed with various revenue stamps; newspaper clippings have also been pasted onto the sheet

    First page of the auction record by Senior Tax Secretary Paul Korge, Kottbusser Ufer 39/40, 2 April 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/3, fol. 75

    Artworks for the Auction at Hans W. Lange

    As was customary in the valuation reports prepared up to that point, Schmidt‑Bangel signed the formal statement “dass hochwertiges Kulturgut sowie wertvolle Kunstschätze nicht enthalten sind” (that high‑quality cultural property and valuable art treasures are not included). Here, however, he added a handwritten note:

    Vorgedrucktes Formular, handschriftlich ausgefüllt und mit einer handschriftlichen Notiz ergänzt

    Expert report by Ludwig Schmidt‑Bangel, 25 March 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/3, fol. 71

    Vorgedrucktes Formular, maschinenschriftlich ausgefüllt, mit handschriftlichen Ergänzungen

    Expert report by Ludwig Schmidt‑Bangel, 26 March 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/1, fol. 64

    • Auction record: typewritten list of objects with small notes, handwritten names of the buyers
      Extract from the auction record by Senior Tax Secretary Paul Korge, Kottbusser Ufer 39/40, 2 April 1941. Fol. 53 and reverse of the auction record. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/3, fol. 53
    • Auction record: typewritten list of objects with small notes, handwritten names of the buyers
      Extract from the auction record by Senior Tax Secretary Paul Korge, Kottbusser Ufer 39/40, 2 April 1941. Fol. 53 and reverse of the auction record. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/3, fol. 53v

      Schmidt‑Bangel prepared a special expert report on four paintings by Hans Thoma, Oswald Achenbach, José Gallegos, and Ludwig Adam Kunz, estimating their value at a total of 37,500 reichsmarks.

      His decision to classify the paintings as “hochwertiges Kulturgut” (high‑quality cultural property) meant that they were excluded from the general auction at Kottbusser Ufer.

      The paintings that had been exempted, as well as high‑quality pieces of furniture and a carpet, had previously been transported on 26 March 1941 by the haulage company Fritz Roth from Kottbusser Ufer to the auction rooms of Hans W. Lange. Lange carried out a new valuation of the objects.

      • Typewritten list of objects, signed and stamped
        List of objects handed over to Hans W. Lange, 26 March 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 694, fol. 42
      • List of objects. On the right, a column shows prices, which are the valuation amounts.
        Valuation by Hans W. Lange, 26 March 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 694, fol. 41

        As a result of a valuation report, several items from Paul Jakob Eisner’s removal goods were therefore not included in the general auction, among them four paintings. However, only three of the four works went under the hammer at the Hans W. Lange auction house on 19 May 1941. This is evidenced both by an auction statement sent by Hans W. Lange to the Finanzamt Moabit‑West and by the auction catalogue. When comparing these two sources, however, it becomes apparent that one of the lot numbers is missing on the statement issued by Hans W. Lange on 20 May 1941.

        Image of a page from an auction catalogue listing five lots
        Extract from the auction catalogue of Hans W. Lange with lot 44. From Hans W. Lange (ed.), Paintings by Old and Modern Masters: From Various Ownerships; auction on 19 May 1941 – Berlin, 1941
        Document containing an account statement in which various lots are listed, each with the proceeds noted
        Auction statement by Hans W. Lange, 20 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/1, fol. 103

        "Gefilde der Seligen" for the Reichskanzlei

        Lot number 44 – the painting "Gefilde der Seligen" by Hans Thoma – is missing from the statement. The file kept on Paul Jakob Eisner by the Finanzamt Moabit-West provides information on the subsequent whereabouts of the painting.

        Front cover of a magazine: at the top, the word “JUGEND” (youth) in large letters; below it, a colour reproduction of a painting showing figures by a lake with a boat on it, trees in the background
        The painting "Gefilde der Seligen" by Hans Thoma on the cover of the magazine Jugend: Münchner illustrierte Wochenschrift für Kunst und Leben – issue 39, 1934
        • Typewritten document with handwritten additions
          Note with directive for a reply to the Reichskanzlei (Reich Chancellery Berlin), Personal Adjutancy of the Führer, 27 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/1, fol. 114
        • Pre‑printed form, filled in by hand
          Deposit slip for 30,000 reichsmarks, Delbrück Schickler & Co, 13 June 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 8094/1, fol. 162

          The painting was not auctioned by Hans W. Lange but attracted the interest of the Reichskanzlei (Reich Chancellery) in Berlin. This was recorded by an employee of the Moabit‑West tax office in a note. It states: “Hans Lange teilt mit, daß die Adjutantur des Führers das Bild von Thoma zu erwerben wünscht u. bereits ausgehändigt erhalten hat.” (Hans Lange reports that the Adjutancy of the Führer wishes to acquire the painting by Thoma and has already received it.) How the Reichskanzlei became aware of the painting is not documented in the historical sources – not every conversation was recorded. What we do know: on 27 May 1941, the authority informed the Reichskanzlei that the Thoma painting "Gefilde der Seeligen" [sic] would be transferred to it for 30,000 reichsmarks. Payment to the treasury was made on 13 June 1941 by the bank Delbrück Schickler & Co on behalf of the Reichskanzlei.

          Thoma’s painting appears later in connection with the "Sonderauftrag Linz" (Special Commission Linz). Although it is not officially registered in the "Dresdner Katalog" (Dresden catalogue), which compiled the works acquired for the planned museum in Linz, the relevant accounting documents have survived.

          After the war, the Treuhandverwaltung von Kulturgut beim Auswärtigen Amt (Trust Administration for Cultural Assets at the Foreign Office, TVK) included Thoma’s work in an alphabetically ordered list, the appendix to the "Dresdner Katalog", based on these accounting documents.

          The artwork itself could not be located after the war. It is still considered missing.

          Sheet with typewritten text, annotated with handwritten notes
          Inventory “Sonderauftrag Linz“, appendix to the Dresdner Katalog, entry for Thoma’s painting "Gefilde der Seligen". BArch B 323/52, fol. 430 430
          Photograph of a wedding couple. Behind them, a large painting in a gilded frame hangs on the wall
          Wedding photograph of Berta and Fritz Sabersky in the apartment at Bellevuestraße 14, Atelier Hänse Herrmann, Berlin, 2 December 1913. Jewish Museum Berlin, inv. no. 2016/441/98‑99, donation by Carol and Sandra Sabersky, daughters of Rolf H. Sabersky

          Excursus: photographs as an important form of provenance evidence

          Photographs from 1913 show Paul Jakob Eisner’s sister, Berta Sabersky née Eisner, as a bride with her groom Fritz Sabersky in the Eisner family’s apartment at Bellevuestraße 14 – and in the background on the wall, Hans Thoma’s painting "Gefilde der Seligen". The wedding photograph gives an impression of the exceptionally large format of the painting. Paul Jakob Eisner presumably inherited it from his parents Heinrich and Olga Eisner.

          Such photographs, in which works of art or cultural property can be clearly identified, are a stroke of luck for provenance research.

          The journey of a painting (Ludwig Adam Kunz – "Großes Stilleben")

          Another painting from the property of Paul Jakob Eisner entered the holdings of the Sonderauftrags Linz, albeit by a different route. The still life by Ludwig Adam Kunz was auctioned at Hans W. Lange on 19 May 1941. The auction catalogue contains a relatively detailed description of the painting: “Großes Stilleben mit Früchten, Kupferschüsseln, einem toten Pfau, Langusten und erlegtem Reiher. Holz. H. 106 cm, Breite 167 cm” (Large still life with fruit, copper bowls, a dead peacock, langoustines and a shot heron. Wood. Height 106 cm, width 167 cm). The work fetched 1,100 reichsmarks, which Hans W. Lange paid into the treasury together with the remainder of the auction proceeds. The available records from Hans W. Lange do not indicate who purchased the painting.

          How, then, did it enter the holdings of the "Sonderauftrag Linz"?

          You can find out more about the history of the painting after 1945 in the chapter on Responsibility.

          Image of a page from an auction catalogue listing six lots
          Extract from the auction catalogue of Hans W. Lange with lot 37. Hans W. Lange (ed.), Paintings by Old and Modern Masters: From Various Ownerships; auction on 19 May 1941 – Berlin, 1941
          Story

          Hugo Loewy

          The merchant Hugo Loewy traded in silk ribbons and lived a middle‑class life in Berlin with his family. As a result of the antisemitic policies of the National Socialists, he first lost his factory, then his flat, and with his deportation his last possessions and his life. The artworks owned by Hugo and Louise Loewy disappeared into private hands. Learn more

          Hugo Loewy

          Born:
          20 March 1862 in Czarnikau/Posen (now Czarnków, Poland)
          Died:
          Murdered on 5 December 1942 in Treblinka, Poland (then under German occupation)
          Last place of residence:
          Kurfürstendamm 195, Berlin

          Silk‑ribbon manufacturer in Kreuzberg

          Hugo Loewy was born on 20 March 1862 in Czarnikau in West Prussia (Czarnków). In 1900, he took over a factory producing silk ribbons, located at Kommandantenstraße 77 in Berlin‑Kreuzberg. Among others, he regularly supplied the funeral home Grieneisen with ribbons.

          Hugo Loewy and his family lived in a spacious four‑room flat at Pommersche Straße 5. The flat in Berlin‑Wilmersdorf was elegantly furnished. The Loewy family also owned several oil paintings. The Loewy family also owned several oil paintings.

          After the death of his wife Louise in 1930 and the departure of the children Käthe and Fritz, Hugo Loewy lived alone in the flat.

          Only very few traces of Loewy remain; most of them are found in his OFP file.

          After the war, his daughter‑in‑law recalled Loewy’s possessions:

          Reverse of a postcard with a company’s pre‑printed sender information, recipient inserted by typewriter, with stamp and postmark
          Postcard with the address of Hugo Loewy’s ribbon factory, postmarked 26 May 1928, sent to the firm C. F. Sturm, Hertigswalderstr., Sebnitz. Private collection

          He had two or even three valuable complete porcelain services for twenty-four persons […]. In one room there was a genuine very large Persian carpet […]. In another room (the gentleman’s room) he had his library, and very fine leather furniture with a sofa and armchairs, a Persian rug in front of the desk, and another Persian rug.

          Sylvia Loewy‑Garai, daughter‑in‑law, WGA proceedings, 6 November 1953. Landesarchiv Berlin, B Rep. 025-08 no. 4119/51, fol. 7
          Black‑and‑white photograph of a staircase with doors
          Entrance area of the Sammellager Große Hamburger Straße 26. People had to enter through this staircase. bpk Photo Archive; photographer unknown

          Disenfranchisement, persecution, deportation

          Hugo Loewy first lost his ribbon factory, which was liquidated in 1937, as a result of antisemitic persecution measures. At the end of May 1942, he was forced to leave his flat in Pommersche Straße and move into a partially furnished room in the “Jüdischen Pension” (Jewish boarding house) run by Else Isaac at Kurfürstendamm 195. Else Isaac herself was also persecuted as a Jewish woman. Loewy took several items from his old flat with him to the “Pension” (boarding house), including some artworks.

          Loewy lived at Kurfürstendamm for only a few months. On 31 August 1942, he was ordered by the Geheime Staatspolizei Berlin (Berlin Secret State Police, Gestapo) to report to the Sammellager Große Hamburger Straße 26 and complete a Vermögenserklärung (declaration of assets).

          The few belongings Loewy had taken with him to the “Pension” were duly recorded in the Vermögenserklärung (declaration of assets) in pencil. The artworks among them he summarised as “7 div. Bilder” (seven misc. pictures).

          In the Vermögenserklärung Hugo Loewy left his last trace of life with his signature. In the pre‑printed document, he entered not only his name but also the compulsory name Israel.

          Hugo Loewy’s entire property had previously been confiscated on 1 August 1942 on the basis of an Einziehungsverfügung (confiscation order) issued by the authorities.

          On 1 September 1942, Loewy received the delivery certificate for the confiscation of his property in the Sammellager in Große Hamburger Straße 26.

          • Pre‑printed document, filled in by hand in pencil
            First page of the Vermögenserklärung (declaration of assets), handwritten by Hugo Loewy. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 2
          • Pre‑printed document, filled in by hand in pencil
            Page of the Vermögenserklärung with information on art holdings, handwritten by Hugo Loewy. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 7
          • Pre‑printed document, filled in by hand in pencil and signed
            Last page of the Vermögenserklärung (declaration of assets) with Hugo Loewy’s signature. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 9v
            Vorgedruckte Karteikarte mit handschriftlichen Eintragungen und Stempeln

            Retrospectively issued transport card to Treblinka, 20 September 1942. Arolsen Archives, Ghetto Theresienstadt index cards, DocID: 5061748

            At the age of eighty, Hugo Loewy was deported to the “Altersghetto” (ghetto for elderly people) Theresienstadt on 2 September 1942. From there, the National Socialists deported him a few days later to the Treblinka extermination camp. He was murdered there – probably immediately upon arrival.

            Landscape‑format pre‑printed table: transport list. Following sequential numbers, the names of the deported persons are typed, together with date of birth, address and occupation
            The name Hugo Loewy under number 54 on the Gestapo list. Transport lists: “Alterstransporte” (transports of elderly people) 51–57 (I/53 – I/59) to Theresienstadt, 718 listed persons, 27 August 1942–5 September 1942, Arolsen Archives, DocID: 127205018

            Family Loewy

            Fritz Loewy had been co‑owner of the ribbon factory with his father, Hugo Loewy, and fled with his wife, Sylvia Loewy‑Garai, to Oslo in August 1940. There, he was arrested by the German occupiers. Sylvia Loewy‑Garai was largely protected by her US citizenship. Although she was briefly imprisoned, she survived the detention and escaped to Sweden. Hugo Loewy’s daughter, Käthe Löwenstein, had also escaped persecution through flight: in 1938 she had married the physician Dr Hans Löwenstein and emigrated with him to the United States.

            Loewy’s art in the files of the OFP

            With the confiscation of Hugo Loewy’s property, the clearing of his flat and, finally, the seizure of the items he had brought with him to the “Pension”, the National Socialist state appropriated all his belongings. On behalf of the OFP, the Vermögensverwertungsstelle (Asset Realisation Office) eventually sold parts of his property for the benefit of the Reich treasury. The remainder was “liquidated” by the Hauptwirtschaftsamt (Main Economic Office).

            Before this “liquidation”, the property was examined and valued. Two different experts were involved:

            1. Shortly after Loewy’s deportation, on 27 October 1942, the senior bailiff Beck examined the contents of Loewy’s room in the “Pension” on behalf of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle and estimated their value. Among the artworks, which according to Loewy’s last statement comprised seven pictures, Beck singled out four works. He valued them at a total of 3,300 reichsmarks:

            Vordruck eines Formulars, handschriftlich mit Bleistift ausgefüllt, mit Stempel

            Valuation list by Senior Bailiff Beck, 2 November 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 25

            After the Vermögensverwertungsstelle became aware of valuable artworks, it commissioned an art expert to carry out a further valuation. The appointed expert, Ludwig Schmidt‑Bangel, included only the three most valuable paintings in his assessment and gave slightly different titles.

            Maschinenschriftliches Dokument mit Stempel und Unterschrift

            Expert report by Ludwig Schmidt‑Bangel, 5 December 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 27

            Schmidt‑Bangel valued the paintings by Skarbina and Pohle slightly lower than Senior Bailiff Beck. In total, he estimated the value of the paintings at 2,750 reichsmarks and submitted this appraisal to the Vermögensverwertungsstelle.

            All three artists had been academically trained, and their works hang in various museums across Europe.

            Franz Skarbina

            The Berlin painter Franz Skarbina (1849–1910) created numerous Impressionist works depicting scenes of everyday and urban life. With the painting Durchgang in der Fischergasse Berlin, he offered a glimpse into Fischerstraße in the old district of Cölln, where the fishing trade had been based since the Middle Ages.

            Hermann Emil Pohle

            The oeuvre of the painter Hermann Emil Pohle (1863–1914) consists primarily of history painting and landscape painting, a style that likely also characterised the Einsamer Reiter.

            Bertram Priestman

            Bertram Priestman’s (1868–1951) work can likewise be situated within the tradition of Romantic‑Impressionist landscape painting. Comparable paintings by the artist depict the Schottische Landschaft in both Romantic and Flemish traditions.

            Disappeared into private ownership

            On the basis of Schmidt‑Bangel’s appraisal, the Vermögensverwertungsstelle decided to “verwerten” (liquidate) two of the paintings through direct sale. No public auction took place.

            A receipt dated 28 December 1942 documents the sale of the painting by H. E. Pohle – referred to in the appraisals as “‘Einsamer Reiter’ or ‘Reiter in Landschaft’” (solitary rider, rider in landscape) – at the higher valuation of 550 reichsmarks to SS‑Obersturmführer Johannes Schertl. Schertl had already acquired a carpet and an open bookcase from Loewy’s property.

            Johannes Schertl used his privileged position as an SS‑Obersturmführer to profit from Jewish property stolen by the state.

            • Small‑format document, pre‑printed form, filled in by hand in black ink, signed by Johannes Schertl, front
              Receipt for the sale of oil painting no. 37 to Johannes Schertl, SS‑Obersturmführer, 28 December 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 30
            • Small‑format document, pre‑printed form, filled in by hand in black ink, signed by Johannes Schertl, reverse
              Receipt for the sale of oil painting no. 37 to Johannes Schertl, SS‑Obersturmführer, 28 December 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 30v
              • Small‑format document, pre‑printed form, filled in by hand in black ink, signed by Käthe Malzbender, front
                Receipt for the sale of the oil painting by Bertram Priestman to business consultant Ludwig Malzbender, 17 December 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 35
              • Small‑format document, pre‑printed form, filled in by hand in black ink, signed by Käthe Malzbender, reverse
                Receipt for the sale of the oil painting by Bertram Priestman to business consultant Ludwig Malzbender, 17 December 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 35v
              • Small‑format document, typewritten, signed by Ludwig Malzbender
                Power of attorney issued by Ludwig Malzbender for his wife, Käthe Malzbender, 15 December 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 36

                The painting Schottische Landschaft/Landschaft mit Flusslauf und bewaldetem Ufer (Scottish Landscape/Landscape with River Course and Wooded Bank) was purchased by Käthe Malzbender, the wife of the auditor Ludwig Malzbender. She paid the price of 1,800 reichsmarks using a power of attorney issued to her by her husband. Ludwig Malzbender was in close contact with the Vermögensverwertungsstelle; in its files he appears as an appraiser and administrator of assets.

                Both paintings thus passed directly into the private ownership of individuals who profited directly from the National Socialist system and built their careers within it. After entering their possession, the trail of the paintings disappeared. Whether the works remained with the buyers’ families or were sold on cannot be reconstructed on the basis of the files of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle.

                The National Socialist state obtained a total of 2,350 reichsmarks from the sale of the two paintings by Pohle and Priestman from Loewy’s property.

                Lost trace of the paintings

                There are no further indications in the file regarding the whereabouts of the Rembrandt copy or the painting Durchgang in der Fischergasse Berlin (Passageway in Fischergasse, Berlin) by Franz Skarbina. No sale is documented for either work.

                The two paintings had initially remained in the “Pension” of Else Isaac. After Isaac was also deported, the entire household contents located in her rooms were valued and sold as a single lot by the Hauptwirtschaftsamt (Main Economic Office) on 3 February 1943. According to the inventory, this lot also included paintings. However, no further information is available, and thus the trail of the two works is lost.

                All artworks taken from Hugo Loewy on the basis of National Socialist laws passed into private ownership or into the retail trade via the Reich financial administration. In the course of research into the individual artworks, no current location in a public institution could be identified for any of them. In some cases, the available information is too sparse and insufficiently specific to allow for a clear identification of the works.

                You can find out whether the search for the objects was successful in the chapter on Responsibility.

                Landscape‑format document, handwritten note with signature and date
                Note in Hugo Loewy’s file dated 15 July 1943 stating that his furnishings were valued and sold together with those of Else Isaac. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24446, fol. 34v
                Story

                Fritz Kurt Lomnitz

                Fritz Kurt Lomnitz worked on the board of a grain trading company. In 1933, he had a villa built for himself and his family in Grunewald, which he furnished with several works of art. One of these reappeared in a Berlin museum. In 1938, Lomnitz and his wife fled persecution via New York to Cuba. Learn more
                Excerpt from a document: signature of Fritz Kurt Lomnitz

                Fritz Kurt Lomnitz

                Born:
                7 January 1890 in Breslau, Silesia (now Wrocław, Poland)
                Died:
                Unknown
                Last place of residence:
                Lassenstraße 1a, Berlin

                In the grain market

                Excerpt from a document: signature of Fritz Kurt Lomnitz
                Handwritten signature of Fritz Kurt Lomnitz from the reparations proceedings, 1 December 1953. Landesarchiv Berlin, B Rep. 025-05 no. 2128/50, fol. 23

                Little is known about the Fritz Kurt Lomnitz’s life. He was born on 7 January 1890 in Breslau, the son of Henriette and Bruno Lomnitz, where he attended secondary school. He trained as a merchant in the grain and feed trade. When war broke out in 1914, Lomnitz initially volunteered for the Funkbataillon (Signal Battalion). This was followed by a military career that led to a position at the Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office). According to his own account, he was awarded three medals for his military service.

                After the First World War, Lomnitz resumed his employment with the grain and banking company Gebr. Berlinicke & Ehrenhaus at Linkstraße 11 in Berlin, which he had begun in 1912.

                His subsequent position on the board of M. Sperling Getreide-Aktiengesellschaft, with offices located at Burgstraße 26 in Berlin‑Mitte, enabled him and his family to maintain an upscale lifestyle.

                In January 1916, Lomnitz married Sophie Parthey, who brought a daughter into the marriage. However, the couple separated and Lomnitz married Gertrud Friedländer in June 1922. But this marriage did not last, either. Lomnitz entered into a third marriage with Johanna Mückenbrunn.

                Excerpt from a page of the commercial register, name and contact details of the Sperling company
                Excerpt from the Berlin Commercial Register, entry for the company M. Sperling Getreide-Aktiengesellschaft, Berliner Handels-Register, 1930, vol. 66, p. 1002

                Villa in Grunewald

                Fritz Kurt Lomnitz had a villa built in Grunewald at Lassenstraße 1a by the Breslau architect Edgar Hönig, where he lived with his family from 1933 onwards. The building comprised eight rooms, including a gentlemen’s room and fireplace room, a library with hand-carved doors, and a winter garden enclosed in crystal glass.

                Every picture, every bronze, the light fixtures, were carefully selected works of art.

                Fritz Kurt Lomnitz im WGA-Verfahren, 1. Dezember 1953. Landesarchiv Berlin, B, Rep. 025-05 no. 2128/50, fol. 22
                Plan with black drawing of a building in two views, handwritten notes in blue and green, and stamp
                Street view of Villa Lassenstraße/Schwedlerstraße, 1954. Bauarchiv Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf, vol. 57, no. 1624, vol. II, fol. 6

                Lomnitz had carefully selected furniture in Florentine and Baroque styles, silk wall coverings, antiques, oil paintings, silver and porcelain, bronze chandeliers, and carpets for the interior design. The house was also technologically state-of-the-art, featuring an electric stove in the kitchen and central hot water heating, among other things.

                Large-format plan with black drawing of a building in various views and floor plans, handwritten notes in blue and green, and stamps
                Architectural plan of the building at Lassenstraße 1a, formerly Siemensstraße 1 before 1937, with views and floor plans, 1932. Bauarchiv Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf, vol. 57, no. 1624, vol. I, fol. 21

                Persecution and escape to New York

                When the National Socialists came to power, Fritz Kurt Lomnitz was persecuted for being Jewish. One of the first signs of his increasing disenfranchisement was the loss of his job: in 1936, he was forced to leave his company. His villa in Grunewald had to be sold because of antisemitic laws, and in 1940 it was transferred to his stepdaughter. In August 1938, even before the November pogroms finally forced many Jews to emigrate, Fritz Kurt Lomnitz fled to the United States with his third wife, Johanna Lomnitz, on a visitor’s visa. From New York, he attempted to have his belongings, which he had left behind in Berlin, transported to the United States by the shipping companies A. Schäfer and Willy Kulka.

                The planned shipment of his belongings, however, never took place.

                • Typewritten document with pre-printed letterhead; handwritten additions in various colours. Front
                  Report from the Geheime Staatspolizei to the Finanzamt Moabit-West regarding confiscated assets, 5 March 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 2
                • Typewritten document with pre-printed letterhead; handwritten additions in various colours. Back
                  Report from the Geheime Staatspolizei to the Finanzamt Moabit-West regarding confiscated assets, 5 March 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 2v
                • Pre-printed document containing typewritten entries, as well as a signature and a stamp
                  Certified copy of the order for the confiscation of assets, November 24, 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 34

                  Confiscation of the household goods

                  On 5 March 1941, the Geheime Staatspolizei (Secret State Police, Gestapo) confiscated the Lomnitz family’s household goods, which were being stored by the forwarding companies, based on the confiscation laws of 1933.

                  The Finanzamt Moabit-West (Moabit-West tax office) then ordered them to be auctioned off.

                  On 24 November 1941, the Gestapo officially announced the confiscation of Fritz Lomnitz’s assets. Even before this, however, Lomnitz had been unable to access his assets or prevent their “Verwertung” (liquidation) by the Finanzamt Moabit-West.

                  Shortly afterwards, the forwarding companies Willy Kulka and A. Schäfer delivered several boxes of the Lomnitz family’s belongings to Westfälische Straße 85. They were stored there until they were auctioned off by the Union auction house, owned by Leo Spik.

                  Small-format pre-printed invoice document with typewritten entries, handwritten additions and stamps
                  Invoice letter from the forwarding company A. Schäfer addressed to the Finanzamt Moabit-West, 22 April 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 9
                  Pre-printed invoice document with typewritten entries and handwritten additions
                  Invoice letter from the Willy Kulka forwarding company addressed to the Finanzamt Moabit-West, 18 April 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 8

                  The expert opinion – a handwritten note as a clue

                  Before the auction of the Lomnitz family’s movable property took place, the expert Bruno Ritter prepared an appraisal of the most valuable objects on 5 May 1941 in the rooms of the auction house. Among them, he also assessed several paintings.

                  For some works, the appraiser was unable to identify the artist. In several cases, he appears to have relied solely on the signature – and not always accurately.

                  As was customary in his appraisals, Bruno Ritter concluded with the formal statement “dass hochwertiges Kulturgut sowie wertvolle Kunstschätze nicht enthalten sind” (that no high‑quality cultural assets or valuable art treasures are included). This declaration also cleared the paintings for auction.

                  Vorgedrucktes Dokument mit maschinenschriftlichen Eintragungen sowie Unterschrift und Stempel

                  Expert opinion by Bruno Ritter, 5 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 17

                  Auction at Leo Spik

                  One day after the appraisal by the art expert, on 6 May 1941, Leo Spik, owner of the Union auction house in Berlin, auctioned off all the Lomnitz couple’s household goods.

                  The auction record contains only limited detail on roughly one hundred lots. Even the artworks previously appraised are listed merely as “oil paintings”. However, because the lot numbers in the appraisal and the auction record correspond, it is still possible to match the artworks with their respective buyers.

                  • Pre‑printed document with typewritten entries, signature and stamp
                    Letter from the Union auction house to the Finanzamt Moabit‑West, Mr Moser, 14 May 1941, 14 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 12
                  • Typewritten document, list, with stamp and handwritten additions
                    Transcript of the Union auction record, 6 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 13
                  • typewritten document, list, with stamp and handwritten additions
                    Transcript of the Union auction record, 6 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 14
                  • Typewritten document, list, with stamp and handwritten additions
                    Transcript of the Union auction record, 6 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 15
                    Maschinengeschriebenes Dokument, Liste, mit Stempel und handschriftlichen Ergänzungen

                    First page of the Union auction record, Leo Spik, 6 May 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 24496, fol. 13

                    In total, the auction realised proceeds of 9,124 reichsmarks. After deducting the 10‑per-cent fee for the auctioneer, Leo Spik, 7,940 reichsmarks were paid into the Reich Finance Treasury. Notably, the individual named as “Ohloff” acquired by far the largest number of artworks, amounting to a total of 735 reichsmarks.

                    The once carefully assembled collection of furniture, artworks, and household items belonging to the Lomnitz family was dispersed within a matter of hours and sold off to various private individuals.

                    Whether the search for the paintings was ultimately successful is revealed in the chapter Responsibility.

                    Story

                    Edith und Max Michaelis

                    On the first page of the file kept by the Vermögensverwertungsstelle (Asset Realisation Office) on the lawyer Max Michaelis and his wife Edith, there is a pencil note reading “bevorzugt” (preferred). What did the officials of the Asset Realisation Office treat as “bevorzugt“ from the property of the couple – and why? Learn more

                    Edith und Max Michaelis

                    Born:
                    Edith Michaelis: 9 August 1883 in Berlin, Max Michaelis: 8 October 1885 in Berlin
                    Died:
                    Deported to Minsk/Maly Trostinec; declared dead on 15 January 1948, official date of death 1 January 1944
                    Last place of residence:
                    Kurfürstendamm 185, Berlin
                    Black‑and‑white photograph of a street. The section shows a row of houses on the right, cars from the 1930s on the left, and several pedestrians.
                    Kurfürstendamm with street traffic, c. 1930/1938. German Federal Archives, B 145 Bild‑P020119, photographer: A. Frankl
                    Black‑and‑white photograph of an elegant four‑storey residential building. It is a corner building with shops on the ground floor.
                    Residential building Kurfürstendamm 185, 1964. Landesarchiv Berlin F Rep. 290 (01) no. 0263475

                    The couple Max and Edith Michaelis

                    The couple Max and Edith Michaelis lived in a house built in 1902–1903 by the architect Wilhelm Lopsch at Kurfürstendamm 185 – an upscale residential area in western Berlin. From April 1934 onwards, they lived there on the first floor of the front building, the Beletage, in seven rooms. For Edith Michaelis née Neustadt, this was her second marriage. She had married the merchant Louis Ludwig Lewin in 1908, who then died at an unknown date. Max and Edith Michaelis married in August 1927. Before moving into the apartment at Kurfürstendamm 185, Max Michaelis had lived at Pariser Straße 30–31 and Edith Michaelis at Steinacher Straße 1 in Berlin‑Schöneberg.

                    The owners and landlords of the house at Kurfürstendamm 185 were the Berglas family until 1941. As the family was persecuted as Jewish, the Geheime Staatspolizei (Secrete State Police, Gestapo) confiscated the property, and it passed into the ownership of the German Reich. In 1943, the former mining inspector Heinrich Kellermann “Arisiert” (aryanised) the property and thus also the house.

                    First page of the asset declaration of Max Michaelis, 20 June 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 2

                    Excerpt from a document, letterhead
                    Letterhead of Max Michaelis. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 142, fol. 64
                    Excerpt from a pre-printed form: Signature
                    Signature of Edith Michaelis on the declaration of assets dated 22 June 1942. Edith Michaelis was required to sign using the imposed name ‘Sara’. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 26893, p. 17v.

                    “Jüdischer Konsulent” (Jewish consultant)

                    Max Michaelis was admitted as a lawyer at the Berlin Court of Appeal and also worked as a notary. But from 1933 onwards, he and Edith Michaelis were persecuted by the National Socialist state as Jewish. From 1938, Max Michaelis was only permitted to work as a “Konsulent” (consultant), which was not comparable to his previous professional practice: Jewish lawyers had their licences revoked and were only allowed to advise and represent Jewish clients. Furthermore, a substantial share of the fees had to be paid to the Reich Chamber of Lawyers. This money was administered by the specially established Ausgleichsstelle (Compensation Office).

                    Michaelis also represented neighbours from the house at Kurfürstendamm 185, including Jacob Intrator and his wife Rosa, as well as Erich and Martha Kaufmann, who were likewise persecuted as Jewish. Max Michaelis also had his office rooms in the apartment at Kurfürstendamm 185.

                    Briefkopf mit einem Namen, Telefonnummer und weiteren Daten

                    Letterhead of Max Michaelis. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 16496, fol. 62

                    Deported and robbed

                    The deportation of the couple from Berlin took place on 24 June 1942 with the sixteenth “Osttransport” (Eastern Transport) to Minsk/Maly Trostinec. The same deportation list included more than fifty employees – some in senior positions – of the Reichsvereinigung der Juden (Reich Association of Jews).

                    After the arrival of the deportation train, members of the Waffen‑SS and the uniformed police murdered most of the deportees in a forest near Maly Trostinec, around 12 km southeast of Minsk. Whether the couple were among them has not been clarified to this day.

                    Image of a landscape‑format document: tabular pre‑printed transport list. Next to consecutive numbers, the names of the deportees are typed, with details on name, date of birth, address, and occupation.
                    Transport list of the Secret State Police Berlin. Max and Edith Michaelis appear under the numbers 186 and 187. Arolsen Archives, transport list: sixteenth “Osttransport“ to Minsk/Maly Trostinec, 24 June 1942, DocID: 127187918

                    Before their deportation, Max and Edith Michaelis had to complete the sixteen‑page Vermögenserklärung (declaration of assets). The handwritten declaration is the last trace of the couple. Max Michaelis’s asset declaration is dated 20 June 1942, that of Edith Michaelis 22 June 1942. In the section on household inventory and furnishings, the couple provided no information; in Max Michaelis’s declaration, the corresponding lines are additionally marked with question marks.

                    Pre‑printed form, filled in and signed by hand
                    Last page of the Vermögenserklärung of Max Michaelis with the handwritten note “As far as I am able to do so at the moment”, 20 June 1942. BLHA, 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 9v

                    With the deportation of Max Michaelis, his legal cases were transferred in July 1942 to Dr Bruno Apt. He too was authorised to practise only as a “Konsulent”.

                    A formal notification or order of confiscation to the couple by the National Socialist authorities was no longer required. Because the deportation was carried out abroad, the Elfte Verordnung zum Reichsbürgergesetz (Eleventh Decree to the Reich Citizenship Law) applied automatically.

                    Typewritten document with names and biographical data, supplemented with handwritten notes
                    First page of the file on Max Michaelis at the Vermögensverwertungsstelle. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 1

                    The “bevorzugte” “Verwertung” (preferred liquidation)

                    Following the receipt of the Vermögenserklärungen from Max and Edith Michaelis by the Vermögensverwertungsstelle, the tax officials began their work. They opened a file on the couple in which they documented the “Vermögensverwertung” (asset liquidation). On the first page of the file – a kind of overview sheet for the officials – the handwritten note “bevorzugt” (preferred) appears next to the names and address of the persecuted couple. Does this indicate that the couple’s property to be treated as “bevorzugte”?


                    Insight into the background of why the apartment and furnishings of Max and Edith Michaelis were to receive special treatment is provided by a letter from the Continentale Öl Aktiengesellschaft to the Oberfinanzpräsident (Senior Finance President) dated 11 July 1942:

                    Typewritten document with handwritten notes
                    Letter from the Continentale Öl Aktiengesellschaft to the Oberfinanzpräsident, 11 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 44

                    The apartment in which Max and Edith Michaelis had lived was intended for use by the Continentale Öl Aktiengesellschaft. The company stated that it required the rooms to carry out a task assigned by General Field Marshal and Reich Minister of Economics Hermann Göring. Göring had ordered the Continentale Öl Aktiengesellschaft to secure, administer, and economically exploit oil deposits, extraction facilities, and oil companies in territories occupied or influenced by the German Reich, and to ensure the supply of fuel essential to the war effort. The apartment was presumably intended to serve as office space.

                    As early as 2 July 1942, about a week after the deportation of the couple, the Vermögensverwertungsstelle therefore began to “verwerten” the household furnishings piece by piece. The authority sold the couple’s property directly from the apartment at Kurfürstendamm 185.

                    Assessment by an auctioneer

                    For a specific part of the furnishings, an appraisal was carried out before their “Verwertung“ by Leo Spik, the owner of the Union art auction house. In two expert reports, he valued a total of sixty-five objects.

                    Maschinenschriftliche Auflistung von Objekten; oben links ein Briefkopf in roter Schrift

                    Appraisal list by Leo Spik, 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 30

                    • Typewritten list of objects, signed; letterhead in red print at the top left
                      Appraisal list by Leo Spik, 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 25
                    • Typewritten list of objects; letterhead in red print at the top left
                      Appraisal list by Leo Spik, 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 31
                    • Typewritten list of objects, signed; letterhead in red print at the top left
                      Appraisal list by Leo Spik, 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 32

                      Buyers “Überreiter” and “Kornfeld”

                      The furnishings from the apartment at Kurfürstendamm 185 were subsequently sold in several lots through private sales.

                      In researching the buyers who profited from the theft of the Michaelis’s property, two stand out in particular – those who acquired the items separately appraised by Leo Spik.

                      On 4 July 1942, the Vermögensverwertungsstelle sold eleven objects to a person named Gottfried Kornfeld, residing at Flensburger Straße 20, at the appraised price of 1,241 reichsmarks. These included furniture, household items, and framed prints. Two days later, the remaining fifty-four separately appraised objects were purchased by a Sophie Überreiter, residing at Pariser Straße 55, for a total of 13,231 reichsmarks. She thus acquired the largest part of the household furnishings belonging to Max and Edith Michaelis, including several artworks.

                      • Pre‑printed document, landscape format, filled in by hand
                        Receipt for private sale to Gottfried Kornfeld, 4 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 24
                      • Pre‑printed document, landscape format, filled in by hand
                        Receipt for private sale to Gottfried Kornfeld, 4 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 24v
                      • Pre‑printed document, landscape format, filled in by hand
                        Receipt for private sale to Sophie Überreiter, 6 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 29
                      • Pre‑printed document, landscape format, filled in by hand
                        Receipt for private sale to Sophie Überreiter, 6 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 29v
                        Vorgedrucktes Formular, handschriftlich ausgefüllt

                        Deposit slip, 8 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 35

                        The further documents in the file relating to these two purchases raise questions: the deposit slips in the Vermögensverwertungsstelle how that the total amount of both private sales – 14,472 reichsmarks – was paid into the Oberfinanzkasse (Senior Prasident treasury) as a single sum, even though the purchases were made separately.

                        What was the relationship between these buyers? Who was Sophie Überreiter, the buyer who purchased a large lot of furnishings including several artworks and thus profited significantly from the dispossession of Max and Edith Michaelis? And who was Gottfried Kornfeld? Answers to these questions cannot be found in the file of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle.

                        “Verwertung” (liquidation) of a library

                        As evidenced by a delivery note, the haulage company Willy Kulka also delivered a large quantity of books from Kurfürstendamm 185 to the Vermögensverwertungsstelle on 6 July 1942. There, the expert specialising in books, Max Niederlechner, valued them at 2,200 reichsmarks and proposed a buyer: the antiquarian bookseller Gustav Schmidt in Berlin‑Halensee.

                        The library of Max and Edith Michaelis contained both legal and classical literature. This is shown by a list that the expert sent to the Vermögensverwertungsstelle. It includes those works he did not classify as “minderwertig” (inferior). Gustav Schmidt purchased the books and received them on 23 July 1942.

                        • Typewritten document listing book titles; stamp
                          List compiled by the expert Max Niederlechner, 21 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 47
                        • Typewritten document listing book titles; stamp
                          List compiled by the expert Max Niederlechner, 21 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 47v
                          Typewritten document, filled in by hand
                          Receipt for the handover of the library to Gustav Schmidt, 23 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 26893, fol. 49

                          “Verwertung” (liquidation) of household furnishings

                          Other furnishings from the apartment at Kurfürstendamm 185 that were not part of Leo Spik’s separate appraisal were likewise sold through private sales.

                          Furniture and everyday household items went to various individuals, including an interpreter named Rudolf F. Gross from the Referat Sprachendienst (Language Service Department) of the Auswärtiges Amt (Reich Minister of Foreign Affairs), and a Lieutenant Buck. The caretaker of the building at Kurfürstendamm 185, Fritz Schaletzke, also profited by purchasing the couple’s kitchen furnishings. What remained of the household contents was sold on 27 July 1942 to the retailer of the Wirtschaftsgruppe Einzelhandel (Retail Trade Economic Group) Karl Gentsch for 352 reichsmarks.

                          Where are the objects?

                          The sale of the entire household furnishings was completed in August 1942, only two months after the deportation of the couple. The “bevorzugte” “Verwertung” (preferred liquidation) by the Vermögensverwertungsstelle was therefore carried out as quickly as possible so that the Continentale Öl Aktiengesellschaft could take possession of the rooms.

                          With their sale by the National Socialist authorities, the objects from the apartment at Kurfürstendamm 185 entered private ownership; their subsequent whereabouts remain unclear to this day. It cannot be ruled out that some of the artworks may have found their way into public collections by other means. Tracing them, however, is difficult, as the files contain only limited information on the works and do not include details such as the artists’ first names.

                          The file of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle also offers hardly any insight into the biographies of the couple, making it nearly impossible to reconstruct a picture of their lives from it alone. Further research in the restitution and compensation files, which had been initiated by descendants, was therefore indispensable.

                          Find out more about the history after 1945 in the chapter on Responsibility.

                          Story

                          Recha Storck

                          Recha Storck – a directrice and widow of an artist – lived in a villa district in Berlin‑Nikolassee until her deportation in 1943. Among the last belongings taken from her during the deportation were paintings by her husband, Adolf Eduard Storck. Learn more
                          signature written in pencil

                          Recha Storck

                          Born:
                          17 October 1872 in Wien
                          Died:
                          Deported to Auschwitz, official date of death 30 April 1944
                          Last place of residence:
                          Prinz-Friedrich-Leopold-Straße 44, Berlin

                          Fragments of a biography

                          Only a few traces today tell of the life of Recha Storck, known as Carola, before her persecution under National Socialism.

                          On 17 October 1872, she was born in Vienna as the daughter of Dr Siegmund and Eva Liebreich.

                          She had been living in Berlin since at least 1898, first at Schlüterstraße 63 and later at Nürnberger Straße 5 in Charlottenburg. Both addresses were in prestigious residential districts of the time, characterised by representative apartment buildings.

                          In the 1908 Berlin address book, her occupation is listed as “Direktrice” (directrice), a term referring to a senior position in the fashion industry with both technical and creative responsibilities.

                          In April of that year, Recha Liebreich married the painter Adolf Eduard Storck, eighteen years her senior, in Berlin‑Charlottenburg. Born in Bremen, he was among the representatives of the Düsseldorf School and produced primarily landscape paintings. The marriage remained childless.

                          Detail of a pre‑printed document: signature written in pencil.
                          Recha Storck’s last signature
                          Rep. 36A (II) no. 37426, fol. 9R
                          Pre‑printed marriage register entry, filled in by hand
                          Marriage register entry no. 273 for Recha Liebreich and Adolf Eduard Storck, 22 April 1908. Landesarchiv Berlin, P Rep. 551 no. 51

                          The Storck villa

                          A few days after their wedding, the Storck couple commissioned the construction of a villa at Prinz‑Friedrich‑Leopold‑Straße 44 in Berlin‑Nikolassee. They moved into the house just one year later.

                          The location and size of the house indicate that the Storcks were financially well off: on the ground floor were representative rooms such as the dining room, living room, salon, and gentleman’s room, while on the upper floor Adolf Eduard Storck had a studio for his work as a painter.

                          Architectural drawing with several elevation views of a building: front view, side views, and rear view.
                          Drawings for the construction of a new country house for Mr Adolf Ed. Storck, villa, 1908. Bauaktenarchiv Steglitz‑Zehlendorf, Prinz‑Friedrich‑Leopold‑Straße 44, vol. 1

                          Impoverished as a widow

                          Adolf Eduard Storck died in 1913. According to his last will, his estate passed to his sister in Bremen. For his wife, Recha Storck, he provided an annual pension of 20,000 marks as well as lifelong residence in their shared villa.

                          The hyperinflation of 1923 destroyed this inheritance, however: it had been invested in government bonds that became worthless overnight. Recha Storck’s only stable source of income suddenly disappeared.

                          I was formerly well off financially and am a victim of the currency devaluation

                          Recha Storck an das Finanzamt Groß-Lichterfelde,
                          26. Dezember 1924
                          Portrait‑format typewritten document.
                          Letter from Recha Storck to her niece Mathilde Scheurembrandt in Vienna, 13 July 1932. LAB, B Rep. 108 no. 5385, fol 19

                          For health reasons, the then 51‑year‑old was unable to take up employment.

                          Gradually, she began to rent out rooms in the villa and to sell her jewellery. She also received support from relatives.

                          In 1932, Recha Storck pawned her remaining possessions to her niece in Vienna, who sent her money during this period.

                          Persecution and deportation

                          During the National Socialist period, the living conditions of Recha Storck deteriorated, as she was persecuted as a Jewish woman.

                          In 1938, she was required to pay the Judenvermögensabgabe (Jewish property levy). As she no longer possessed any assets and her non‑Jewish relatives would have had to cover the payment, the Reichsfinanzministerium (Reich Ministry of Finance) waived the compulsory levy.

                          Five years later, on 10 September 1943, the seventy‑year‑old Recha Storck was deported from Berlin together with sixty‑two other persons on the 96th “Alterstransport” (transport of elderly people) to the Theresienstadt.

                          Landscape‑format pre‑printed table: transport list. Following sequential numbers, the names of the deported persons are typed, together with date of birth, address, and occupation.
                          The name Recha Storck under number 55 on the list of the Gestapo. Transport lists: “Alterstransporte” (transports of elderly people) (I/101) to Theresienstadt, sixty-three listed persons, 10 September 1943, Arolsen Archives, DocID: 1272131

                          After nearly half a year in the Theresienstadt ghetto, the National Socialists deported Recha Storck further “na vychod” (Czech: to the East), as evidenced by an index card. The red letters ‘DZ’ stand for the Auschwitz extermination camp.

                          The trail of Recha Storck is lost after this transport. She was presumably murdered immediately upon arrival in Auschwitz.

                          Pre‑printed index card with handwritten entries and stamps.
                          Retrospectively issued transport card to Auschwitz, 15 May 1944. Arolsen Archives, Ghetto Theresienstadt index cards, DocID: 5100524

                          Robbed before her murder

                          Three days before her deportation, Recha Storck was forced to complete a Vermögenserklärung (declaration of assets) under pressure in the Sammellager Große Hamburger Straße. Using pencil, she entered only the most essential information into the sixteen‑page pre‑printed form.

                          On the first page of the Vermögenserklärung, brief details about her person and living situation appear: at that time, Recha Storck occupied four rooms and a kitchen in the villa in Berlin‑Nikolassee.

                          For furnishings, she listed only “Div. Einzelmöbel” (misc. individual pieces of furniture) and left many sections blank. The signature at the end of the Vermögenserklärung is the last surviving trace personally left by Recha Storck.

                          Upon submitting the Vermögenserklärung, Recha Storck was immediately handed the order issued by the Geheime Staatspolizei (Secret State Police, Gestapo), stating that her property was “zugunsten des Deutschen Reiches eingezogen” (confiscated for the benefit of the German Reich).

                          To provide a veneer of legal legitimacy for this act of theft, the Einziehungsgesetze (confiscation laws) were invoked.

                          • Pre‑printed Vermögenserklärung, sporadically filled in with pencil
                            First page of the Vermögenserklärung of Recha Storck, 7 September 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) 37426, fol. 2
                          • Pre‑printed declaration‑of‑assets form listing various movable items for which a value is to be given. Almost nothing is filled in; the pre‑printed words are mostly crossed out in pencil, except for the brief entry “Div. Einzelmöbel” (misc. individual pieces of furniture
                            Vermögenserklärung of Storck, entry “Div. Einzelmöbel” (misc. individual pieces of furniture), 7 September 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) 37426, fol. 5v
                          • Pre‑printed declaration‑of‑assets form, final page, signed and completed with place and date
                            Final page of the declaration of assets with Recha Storck’s signature, 7 September 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) 37426, fol. 9v

                            „Div. Einzelmöbel“

                            From linens to household goods to artworks

                            Once the completed Vermögenserklärung had been submitted, the work of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle (Asset Realisation Office) began, with the aim of converting all Recha Storck’s remaining possessions into cash as quickly as possible.

                            The Vermögenserklärungen generally served the authority’s staff as an initial overview of the belongings of those affected. In the case of Recha Storck, however, the general entry “Div. Einzelmöbel” (misc. individual pieces of furniture) provided no precise insight into the nature or extent of the possessions she had left behind.

                            To record the furnishings and determine their value, the Obergerichtsvollzieher Hoffmann visited the villa at Prinz‑Friedrich‑Leopold‑Straße 44 on 22 October 1943 on behalf of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle. On the form Inventar und Bewertung (inventory and valuation), he meticulously documented Recha Storck’s last belongings.

                            Vordruck Inventarliste, maschinenschriftlich ausgefüllt

                            The first page of the pre‑printed form Inventar und Bewertung (inventory and valuation). Items 1–17 list Recha Storck’s belongings in typescript, 22 October 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) 37426, fol. 22

                            The Obergerichtsvollzieher Hoffmann valued Storck’s remaining movable property at a total of 14,157 reichsmarks. He did not appraise items 101 and 143 (each a “Posten Bücher”, batch of books) nor item 144 (a “Blüthner‑Flügel”, Blüthner grand piano).

                            From item 145 onwards, the level of detail in the assessment changes: in the hallway, the dining room and the cellar, alongside everyday household goods, several prints, paintings, and antiques were found. The valuation of these objects was additionally supported by Paul Theodor Geyer, proprietor of the antiquities shop Peri‑Ming, acting as an expert.

                            Excerpt from a paper document, typewritten.
                            Extract from the form „Inventar und Bewertung“ featuring a painting by Adolf Storck, BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 37426, fol. 29
                            Excerpt from a paper document, typewritten.
                            Extract from the form „Inventar und Bewertung“ featuring a painting by Adolf Storck, BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 37426, fol. 30v

                            Among the artworks appraised by the experts were five oil paintings by Storck’s late husband, Adolf Eduard Storck, depicting urban and landscape scenes.

                            Three days later, nine additional items were appraised retrospectively. They were in a room sublet to Vera Neumeister and included another painting by Adolf Eduard Storck.

                            Excerpt from a paper document, typewritten.
                            Extract from the form „Inventar und Bewertung“ featuring three paintings by Adolf Storck, BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 37426, fol. 31
                            Excerpt from a paper document, typewritten.
                            Extract from the form „Inventar und Bewertung“ featuring a painting by Adolf Storck, BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 37426, fol. 32

                            Interest of a "Bombengeschädigter”

                            The National Socialist financial administration did everything in its power to sell the former property of Recha Storck as quickly as possible and to make the rooms she had occupied in the villa ready for new tenants.

                            By mid‑October 1943, barely a month after Recha Storck’s deportation, new tenants had already been found for this part of the house: Ministerialrat Dr Walter Conrad and his family.

                            The Hauptplanungsamt der Stadt Berlin (Main Planning Office of the city of Berlin) had allocated to the Conrads the part of the villa previously occupied by Recha Storck as a replacement for their destroyed residence in Berlin‑Steglitz. In addition to using the rooms, the “Bombengeschädigter” (bomb victim) Walter Conrad was also interested in taking over some of the furnishings.

                            Landscape‑format typewritten document
                            Letter from the Vermögensverwertungsstelle to the Hauptwirtschaftsamt of the city of Berlin, 15 October 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 37426, fol. 15

                            Gaps in the documentation

                            Whether Walter Conrad took over any objects from the possessions of Recha Storck, and if so which ones, cannot be determined from the file of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle.

                            According to a report from the Hauptwirtschaftsamt (Main Economic Office), the clearance of the flat took place on 8 November 1943:

                            Small landscape‑format document: pre‑printed clearance report form, filled in by hand in blue ink
                            Clearance report of the Hauptwirtschaftsamt, 8 November 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 37426, fol. 20

                            Only the accounting stamps of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle on the reverse of the Inventar und Bewertung (inventory and valuation) forms indicate that proceeds from the objects were received by the Finanzkasse (Treasury Office) in April 1944.

                            Detail from a document: in a blue stamp, the proceeds and the booking date are entered in pencil.
                            Stamp recording receipt of payment, 26 April 1944. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 37426, fol. 32v
                            Detail from a document: in a blue stamp, the proceeds and the booking date are entered in pencil.
                            Stamp recording receipt of payment, 26 April 1944. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 37426, fol. 31v

                            For the Vermögensverwertungsstelle as a financial authority, it was of no interest who ultimately received the objects; the only information that mattered was the revenue recorded.

                            Further information on the fate of the objects can only be gleaned from the files of the restitution proceedings. You can find out more about this in the chapter responsibility.

                            Story

                            Oskar Skaller

                            When he fled Germany, Berlin entrepreneur and art collector Oskar Skaller had to leave some of his belongings behind. These included a crate of Persian ceramics that had been confiscated by the Nazi financial administration. What role did the Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin (State Museums of Berlin) play in this case? Learn more
                            Black-and-white photograph of a man in half profile to the left

                            Oskar Skaller

                            Born:
                            29 July 1874 in Ostrowo/Posen (now Ostrów Wielkopolski, Poland)
                            Died:
                            21 October 1944 in Johannesburg, South Africa
                            Last place of residence:
                            Württembergische Straße 36, Berlin
                            Black-and-white photograph of a man in half profile to the left
                            Portrait of Oskar Skaller, ca. 1931. From Robert Volz (ed.), Reichshandbuch der deutschen Gesellschaft, vol. 2, Berlin 1931, p. 1793

                            A successful entrepreneur

                            Oskar Skaller was a pharmacist who became a successful Berlin entrepreneur in the medical supply industry at the beginning of the 20th century.

                            His entrepreneurial career began at the turn of the century with the establishment of a chemist’s and a medical‑dressing factory in Berlin, which he sold to the Verband der Deutschen Ortskrankenkassen (Association of German Local Health Insurance Funds) in 1925. At the same time, he purchased M. Pech GmbH, based in Berlin and Cologne, in 1917, which he expanded in the following years. The company manufactured a wide variety of products for medical supplies.

                            From 1925 onwards, Skaller was also managing director of Mariendorfer Gummiwaren-Fabrik G.m.b.H and a member of numerous other boards of directors.

                            Living between Berlin and Bad Saarow

                            Skaller lived in Berlin and Bad Saarow with his wife Lea Skaller, née Herbst, and their two daughters, Hanna Judith and Marianne.

                            From 1919 to 1933, the Skallers lived in an apartment at Schlüterstraße 45 in Berlin’s Charlottenburg district, close to Kurfürstendamm.

                            The rooms in Schlüterstraße, like the flat at Württembergische Straße 36, where the family moved in 1933, reflected Skaller’s economic success with their elegant furnishings and numerous works of art.

                            Frontal colour photograph of a four-storey white apartment building in neoclassical style.
                            The house at Schlüterstraße 45 in 2016. Landesdenkmalamt Berlin, photo: Wolfgang Bittner

                            The furnishings of the Berlin apartment […] were comparable to a private museum, in which antique furniture of considerable value provided an appropriate setting for works of art and collectibles of international standing and renow.

                            Affidavit by Dr Gerald John Zellner, a friend of the Skaller family, 15 August 1957. Landesarchiv Berlin, B Rep. 025-08, No. 2121/55, fol. 25
                            The Skaller country house in Bad Saarow adorned Oskar Skaller’s letterhead as a graphic. Zentralarchiv, SMB-ZA, IV/NL Bode 5156

                            In addition to his Berlin residence, Skaller had owned land in Bad Saarow since 1914, where he had a country house built, designed by architect Rudolf Maté.

                            From Impressionism to Persian ceramics

                            Oskar Skaller was a well-known collector of German Impressionist paintings in the German capital.

                            His collection included works by Lovis Corinth, Walter Leistikow, and Max Liebermann, among others.

                            Colour photograph of a landscape‑format oil painting depicting a reclining nude woman with blonde hair.
                            Lovis Corinth, Liegender weiblicher Akt (Reclining Female Nude), 1915, oil on wood, 58 × 115 cm.
                            Sammlung Würth, Inv. 20434, photo: Walter Bayer.
                            Black-and-white photograph of an oil painting depicting a seated man in a suit. He is looking directly at the viewer. He is holding a cigar in his left hand.
                            Max Liebermann, Portrait Oskar Skaller, 1924.
                            Matthias Eberle, Max Liebermann: Catalogue raisonné, vol. 1, 1995, p. 1107

                            Oskar Skaller’s lively interest in Impressionist painting led him to appreciate the chromatic qualities of Oriental faience

                            Dr Ernst Kühnel, staff member of the Islamic Department of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin in the preface to the auction catalogue. Paul Cassirer, Hugo Helbing (Hrsg): Sammlung Oskar Skaller, Berlin 13. Dezember 1927
                            Black-and-white photograph taken from above of a white plate decorated with leaf tendrils. There is a star in the centre of the plate.
                            This plate was probably made in the 18th century in the western part of Turkestan. Paul Cassirer and Hugo Helbing (eds.), Sammlung Oskar Skaller, Berlin, 13 Dezember 1927 [auction catalogue], plate 20.
                            Black-and-white photograph of a stone stool decorated with an abstract relief.
                            The stool, approx. 21 cm high, came from Mesopotamia, specifically Raqqa (now Syria). Paul Cassirer and Hugo Helbing (eds.), Sammlung Oskar Skaller, Berlin, 13 Dezember 1927 [auction catalogue], plate 1.

                            In addition to paintings and prints by European artists, Skaller also collected, from the beginning of the 20th century onwards, art objects from Islamic-influenced cultural regions of West and Central Asia, including clay works from western Turkestan and ceramics from Persia and what is now Raqqa in Syria.

                            Black-and-white photograph of a dark bottle with a thin neck on a ring base. The round belly of the bottle is decorated with Kufic script.
                            The bottle from the Persian cultural region was part of Oskar Skaller’s collection. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Zentralarchiv, SMB-ZA, IV/NL Erdmann 99

                            Origins of the Collection

                            Oskar Skaller acquired these objects, among other sources, on the art market as handwritten notes in contemporary auction catalogues attest.

                            At the auction of Wilhelm Gumprecht’s collection held by art dealers Paul Cassirer and Hugo Helbing in Berlin in 1918, for example, Skaller purchased a total of four Persian ceramics.

                            Image of a page from an auction catalogue listing eight items. The entire page is covered with pencil notes listing, among other things, the names of buyers and the purchase prices of the objects.
                            Handwritten noten "Skaller" in the catalogue confirms the acquisition from the Gumprecht Collection. Paul Cassirer, Hugo Helbing (eds.), Die Sammlung Wilhelm Gumprecht, Berlin, 21 March 1918 [auction catalogue], p. 40.
                            Image of a book title page. Between the title at the top and the exhibition information at the bottom, there is a yellow graphic depiction of a person in the centre.
                            Title page of the exhibition catalogue of the Draeger collection. Ernst Kühnel (ed.), Persische Keramik, Berlin 1921, title page.

                            In the 1920s, Oskar Skaller expanded his collection by acquiring a substantial group of Persian ceramics.

                            They came from the estate of Dr Richard Draeger, the former head of the Deutsch-Persische Höhere Lehranstalt in Teheran (German-Persian Higher Educational Institute in Tehran), who had died in 1923.

                            The collection assembled by Draeger over twelve years in Persia was already known and appreciated within Berlin museum circles. In 1921, the Islamic Department exhibited the Draeger collection, comprising more than 120 Persian faience pieces, at the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum.

                            It cannot be ruled out that both the artworks assembled by Richard Draeger and the additional objects acquired by Oskar Skaller on the art market already had a problematic provenance. This may have resulted from unequal power relations between local actors and purchasing individuals or institutions. Individual pieces may also have originated from illicit excavations.

                            Beginning of the dissolution of the collection

                            The collection of artworks from regions shaped by Islamic cultures, consisting largely of Persian ceramics, was to remain intact in Oskar Skaller’s possession for only a few years.

                            Only a few years after the items were purchased, at the beginning of October 1927, Skaller informed the museum employee Ernst Kühnel by letter of the planned auction of his Persian ceramics and asked for assistance with the preparations.

                            Skaller does not mention why he now wished to sell his collection, which he had significantly expanded only a few years earlier.

                            Typewritten letter with Oskar Skaller’s letterhead.
                            Letter from Oskar Skaller to Ernst Kühnel, 8 October 1927. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Zentralarchiv, SMB-ZA, I/IM 66.
                            • Image of the title page of the auction catalogue, showing the key information on the auction in plain black lettering.
                              Title page of the auction catalogue, 13 December 1927. Paul Cassirer, Hugo Helbing (eds), Sammlung Oskar Skaller, Berlin, 13 December 1927 [auction catalogue], title page
                            • A plate from the auction catalogue showing four black-and-white photographs depicting three tiles and one bowl.
                              A total of twenty plates in the rear section of the catalogue depict numerous objects. Paul Cassirer, Hugo Helbing (eds), Sammlung Oskar Skaller, Berlin, 13 December 1927 [auction catalogue], Plate 6.
                            • A plate from the auction catalogue showing two black-and-white photographs depicting two dishes.
                              The catalogue includes illustrations for fifty-five objects. Paul Cassirer, Hugo Helbing (eds), Sammlung Oskar Skaller, Berlin, 13 December 1927 [auction catalogue], Plate 10
                              Auction at the Kunstsalon Paul Cassirer / Hugo Helbing, 1927

                              On 13 December 1927, the collection of Persian ceramics was auctioned in the salesrooms of the art dealer Paul Cassirer in Berlin.

                              The auction catalogue lists a total of 177 artworks. The descriptions of the individual objects and the detailed preface were written by the museum specialist Dr Ernst Kühnel.

                              Several of the lots passed directly from the auction into public collections in Germany and Europe. Among the buyers were museums in Lund, Stockholm, The Hague, Munich, Bremen, and Stettin.

                              The Islamic Department of the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum in Berlin was also able to report four new acquisitions from Skaller’s collection after the auction.

                              Prior to this, Oskar Skaller had set an amount of 1,500 reichsmarks for which Ernst Kühnel was permitted to “gratis ersteigern” (bid free of charge), meaning he could bid without paying the sum, as the correspondence shows.

                              Typewritten letter with Oskar Skaller’s letterhead
                              Letter from Oskar Skaller to Ernst Kühnel, 9 December 1927. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Zentralarchiv, SMB-ZA, I/IM 66
                              • Title page of the auction catalogue, with the main information on the auction printed in gold lettering.
                                “Sammlung S., Berlin” is the designation used for Oskar Skaller’s collection in the auction catalogue. Internationales Kunst- und Auktions-Haus (ed.), Antiquitäten, Gemälde alter u. neuer Meister, Berlin, 2 February 1932 [auction catalogue], title page.
                              • A plate from the auction catalogue showing seven black-and-white photographs of various Persian ceramics.
                                None of the ceramics shown on this plate found a buyer at the auction. Internationales Kunst- und Auktions-Haus (ed.), Antiquitäten, Gemälde alter u. neuer Meister, Berlin, 2 February 1932 [auction catalogue], Plate 19.
                                Auction at the Internationales Kunst- und Auktions-Haus, 1932

                                The artworks that had not been sold in October 1927 were submitted by Skaller, together with additional art holdings, to the Internationales Kunst- und Auktions-Haus in Berlin in February 1932.

                                Once again, not all the ceramics submitted found new buyers, and some objects were returned to Skaller.

                                Persecuted and robbed

                                With the National Socialist seizure of power in 1933, the Skaller family's life changed abruptly: as a Jews, the successful businessman and his family were subjected to the antisemitic persecution policies of the NS regime.

                                Professional exclusion

                                Antisemitic persecution led to Oskar Skaller being dismissed from his position as chairman of the supervisory board at M. Pech A.G. very soon after the National Socialists took power in 1933, and in 1938 from his post as managing director of the Mariendorfer Gummiwarenfabrik

                                Escalation

                                During the November pogroms, antisemites stormed his country house in Bad Saarow, destroying the entire interior. The Skaller family’s fear that Oskar Skaller might be arrested grew.

                                Flight

                                Oskar and Lea Skaller decided to leave Germany. Travelling via England, they fled to Johannesburg in South Africa in September 1939. They stored their household furnishings with the transport company W. Heimann

                                Confiscation

                                In April 1941, the Geheime Staatspolizei Berlin (Berlin Secret State Police, Gestapo) reported the confiscation of the removal goods held by the transport company and planned the expatriation of Oskar and Lea Skaller. The Gestapo based this on the Gesetz über den Widerruf von Einbürgerungen und die Aberkennung der deutschen Staatsangehörigkeit (Law on the Revocation of Naturalisations and the Deprivation of German Citizenship)

                                Asset forfeiture

                                The official notice stating that the assets of the Skallers had fallen to the German Reich under the Elfte Verordnung zum Reichsbürgergesetz (Eleventh Decree to the Reich Citizenship Law) was not issued until 20 July 1944. However, the financial administration had already confiscated all their property before the formal conditions for doing so had been met.

                                The auction of the removal goods

                                With the report on the confiscation of the removal goods in April 1941, the Finanzamt Moabit-West, which was initially responsible, began to sell off the belongings left behind piece by piece.

                                All the removal goods stored with the transport company W. Heimann, including the Skallers’ remaining painting collection, were auctioned by the authority in two sales conducted by Bernhard Schlüter in Berlin.

                                On 16 August 1941, the first auction took place at Panoramastraße 1, not far from Alexanderplatz. The auction record contains only sparse information on the more than one hundred objects offered for sale.

                                Buyers included various art, antiques, and furniture dealers in Berlin, as well as private individuals.

                                • Pre-printed form “Verhandelt”, filled in by typewriter with information on the auction.
                                  Cover sheet of the auction record by Bernhard Schlüter, 16 August 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 19.
                                • Pre-printed auction record form with typewritten entries for each lot and the names of the highest bidders
                                  Excerpt from Bernhard Schlüter’s auction transcript concerning the property of Oskar Skaller, 16 August 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 25v
                                  Extract from the auction record: pre-printed form with typewritten entries relating to the painting Weiblicher Akt.
                                  Compared to the other objects, the painting by Corinth is described in detail in the auction record. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 49v

                                  At the second auction on 30 June 1942, Schlüter offered the painting Weiblicher Akt (Female Nude) by Lovis Corinth separately.

                                  The art dealer Paul Roemer and the lawyer and art collector Dr Conrad Doebbeke had previously expressed their interest in the painting directly to the Vermögensverwertungsstelle (Asset Realisation Office). Apparently, they were aware that the Skallers’ collections were now being disposed of there.

                                  At the auction Doebbeke received the exclusive bid – for a price of 8,000 reichsmarks. Compared to the other lots, the painting by Corinth is described in detail in the auction record.

                                  Colour photograph of a landscape‑format oil painting depicting a reclining nude woman with blonde hair.
                                  Lovis Corinth, Liegender weiblicher Akt, 1915, oil on wood, 58 × 115 cm. Würth Collection, Inv. 20434, photo: Walter Bayer.

                                  A crate of artworks

                                  Some artworks took a different route from the removal goods: they were kept by the architect and painter Wilhelm Wagner. The crate of removal goods contained Persian ceramics.

                                  Wagner had been married to one of the Skaller daughters from 1920 to 1937 and remained in contact with the family thereafter. He was familiar with the entrepreneur’s art collection.

                                  The crate stored by Wagner was to be sent to England for the artworks to be auctioned at Sotheby’s, presumably including objects that had not found buyers at the auctions in 1927 and 1932.

                                  The Geheime Staatspolizei confiscated the objects stored with Wagner in 1941, informing the Finanzamt Moabit-West.

                                  Typewritten letter with the letterhead of the Secret State Police.
                                  Letter from the Geheime Staatspolizei to the Finanzamt Moabit-West, 2 December 1941. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 10
                                  Landscape-format typewritten document: list of objects.
                                  Receipt issued by Eulert, 23 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 63.

                                  In July, the government official Eulert acknowledged receipt of a total of twenty-five artworks into the Vermögensverwertungsstelle and listed the objects briefly.

                                  The subsequent whereabouts of the twenty-five artworks can only be vaguely reconstructed based on isolated traces in Oskar Skaller’s file at the Vermögensverwertungsstelle.

                                  Expert reports by the Staatliche Museen

                                  Two expert reports by staff members of the Staatliche Museen have been preserved in the file: Arthur Graf Strachwitz, an employee of the East Asian Art Department, and Kurt Erdmann, an employee of the Islamic Art Department, assessed fifteen of the twenty‑five artworks. The reports contain more information on the objects but also raise additional questions.

                                  On 24 February 1943, Arthur Graf Strachwitz valued seven objects, including tea bowls, vases, and vessels, at a total of 90 reichsmarks.

                                  Letter with the letterhead of the Museum für Völkerkunde: handwritten list of objects.
                                  Expert report by Arthur Graf Strachwitz, 24 February 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 61.

                                  Only at second glance can a handwritten document be identified as the expert report by the museum employee Kurt Erdmann. Of the thirteen artworks listed there, he assigned a value to only eight objects.

                                  Despite the superficial descriptions, it is clear that these included Persian ceramics:

                                  Papierdokument mit handschriftlichen Notizen

                                  Expert report by Kurt Erdmann, undated (probably spring 1943). BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) No. 36160, fol. 62

                                  Taken together, the two expert reports show that the museum employees Arthur Strachwitz and Kurt Erdmann valued a total of fifteen objects from Skaller’s possession at 160 reichsmarks.

                                  Reverse side of a document with a handwritten note.
                                  Reverse side of the receipt with handwritten annotation, 23 July 1942. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 56v.

                                  Sold to Wilhelm Wagner

                                  The two expert reports by the museum employees are connected to the sale of “14 antiken Keramiken” (fourteen pieces of antique ceramics) on 10 March 1943 to Wilhelm Wagner.

                                  A handwritten note on the reverse of the receipt for the submitted artworks shows that Wilhelm Wagner had apparently expressed his interest in the objects directly when they were delivered to the authority.

                                  The former custodian of the artworks – once the Skaller family’s son‑in‑law and a lasting friend of the family – purchased fourteen of the twenty‑five artworks directly from the Vermögensverwertungsstelle (Asset Realisation Office) in March 1943 for 150 reichsmarks. Whether he acted on behalf of Skaller remains uncertain.

                                  While the two expert reports by the museum employees listed a total of fifteen artworks from Skaller’s possession with a combined value of 160 reichsmarks, Wilhelm Wagner purchased only “14 Stücke antike Keramik” (fourteen pieces of antique ceramics) for 150 reichsmarks.

                                  The whereabouts of one appraised object valued at 10 reichsmarks therefore remain unclear.

                                  • Pre‑printed form “Verhandlung”, filled in by hand in black ink.
                                    Front side of the “Verkaufsverhandlung” (sales record) documenting the sale to Wilhelm Wagner, 10 March 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 60.
                                  • Pre‑printed form “Verhandlung”, reverse side, filled in by hand in black ink.
                                    Reverse side of the “Verkaufsverhandlung” (sales record) for Wilhelm Wagner, 10 March 1943. BLHA, Rep. 36A (II) no. 36160, fol. 60v
                                    Detail from a plate in the auction catalogue: black‑and‑white photograph of a vessel with alternating vertical stripes and dots. Just below the opening, a face is depicted.
                                    Illustration of “Kleines Gefäss, plastisch modelliert in Form einer sitzenden Person” (small vessel, modelled in the form of a seated figure) from the 1932 auction catalogue. Internationales Kunst- und Auktions-Haus (ed.), Antiquitäten, Gemälde alter u. neuer Meister, Berlin, 2 February 1932 [auction catalogue], Plate 19.

                                    A ceramic object “for the museum”?

                                    Could it be that the Islamic Department of the Staatliche Museen Berlin purchased the “1 Puppe, Persien 13.–14. Jahrhundert” (one doll, Persia, 13th–14th century), valued at 10 reichsmarks? The annotation “für Museum” (for the museum) suggests this.

                                    In the course of the restitution proceedings, one of Skaller’s daughters identified the “Puppe”: she stated that it was identical with the object listed in the 1932 auction catalogue of the Internationales Kunst- und Auktions-Haus under no. 192 as “Kleines Gefäss, plastisch modelliert in Form einer sitzenden Person” (small vessel, modelled in the form of a seated figure).

                                    The catalogue provides the following information on the Persian vessel: “türkisgrün glasiert mit blauen Streifen, schwarzen Punkten und schwarzer Gesichtszeichnung. Persien (Suitanabad), 14. Jahrh. Höhe 10 cm, Breite 8,2 cm” (turquoise‑green glaze with blue stripes, black dots, and black facial features. Persia (Suitanabad), 14th century. Height 10 cm, width 8.2 cm).

                                    Beyond the statement made by Skaller’s daughter, no conclusive evidence has been found suggesting that the “Puppe” (doll) from Kurt Erdmann’s expert report in the file of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle is in fact identical with the “Kleines Gefäss” (small vessel) in the auction catalogue.

                                    Equally uncertain is the hypothesis that the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin acquired the “Puppe”.

                                    Evidence for this argument:

                                    The note “für Museum” (for the museum) on the expert report signed by Kurt Erdmann, an employee of the Islamic Department of the Staatliche Museen, suggests that the museum may have intended to acquire the object.

                                    Without the “Puppe”, the number and total value of the objects in the expert reports correspond exactly to the sales agreement with Wilhelm Wagner: fourteen pieces for 150 reichsmarks. It is therefore quite possible that the “Puppe” was subsequently sold to the Staatliche Museen for 10 reichsmarks.

                                    The Staatliche Museen already owned Persian ceramics from Oskar Skaller, and several staff members were familiar with the collection’s museological significance.

                                    Evidence against this argument:

                                    Neither the file of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle nor the acquisition records of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin contain further indications that would confirm a purchase or donation to the Islamic Department.

                                    The object itself cannot be traced in the holdings of the Museum für Islamische Kunst. The sparse information on the “Puppe” makes the search difficult.

                                    So far, none of the assumptions regarding the fate of the “Puppe” can be substantiated – the gaps in the documentation are simply too large.

                                    Nineteen of twenty-five artworks

                                    Regardless of whether one object ultimately entered the Staatliche Museen or not: in the file of the Vermögensverwertungsstelle, only the sale of nineteen of the twenty‑five artworks stored with Wilhelm Wagner is documented without gaps.

                                    “14 Stücke antike Keramik” (fourteen pieces of antique ceramics) were purchased by Wilhelm Wagner from the Vermögensverwertungsstelle.

                                    Five lapis lazuli objects were sold by the financial authority to the jeweller Gutschner.

                                    What happened to the remaining six objects is not evident from the file. This, too, reveals something about how the Vermögensverwertungsstelle saw itself: its work – and thus the documentation it was to create and preserve – ended once the proceeds of sale had been received.

                                    You can find out what happened to Skaller’s property after the end of the Nazi regime in the chapter on Responsibility.